Data_Sheet_1_Inter- vs. Intra-Speaker Variation in Mixed Heritage Syntax: A Statistical Analysis.xlsx

Based on the novel data pertaining to five syntactic phenomena (the position of the finite verb in embedded clauses, in sentences with a modal verb, negative concord, the position of focused light/heavy objects in main clauses with a complex tense and scrambling) in the heritage language Mòcheno collected via original fieldwork, we show that there are two populations – one exhibiting intra-speaker variation between German and Italian word orders, and one lacking it; and these two populations are the result of diatopic variation and, to a lesser extent, of diastratic variation. The results achieved using quantitative statistical analysis are partially convergent with those arrived at via the traditional theoretical syntax for Mòcheno, but our analysis has allowed us to shed new light on a series of phenomena that have been neglected or poorly understood thus far. More specifically, and for the first time, we discovered that there is a micro-variation resulting from diastratic (age) variation within the Roveda variety, which represents the only case in Mòcheno in which age is a relevant factor in determining variation. We also show that the traditional claim that the Palù variety is ‘more German’ than is the other Mòcheno variety is to be confirmed; however, we could refine it by showing that German word orders are also accepted by speakers of other varieties and that the acceptability of these word orders in competition with the Italian syntax is not due to their age (no diastratic variation). Finally, we show that the acceptance of German word orders across speakers varies according to the phenomenon investigated: German word orders are more likely to be accepted in sentences featuring a negation, whereas German word orders are more likely to be rejected in embedded clauses. Based on this fine-grained description of the distribution of OV/VO word orders across different contexts and groups and the available theoretical account for the derivation of OV word order given by Cognola (2013b), we propose that the observed variation can be parametrized along the lines of recent developments of Parameter Theory (Roberts, 2012; Biberauer et al., 2014 a.o.). More specifically, we propose that the movement of the non-finite verb form to lowForce°, which is responsible for OV in Mòcheno, can be captured in terms of a parametric hierarchy. When verb movement takes place in all syntactic conditions, including with all non-finite verb forms and when the auxiliary has not moved out of v° to Spec, CP, a macroparametric effect obtains which corresponds to the system instantiated by the Palù variety. The mesoparameter corresponds to a system in which the movement to the non-finite verb form can only be found when v° is empty, i.e., in main declarative clauses. The fact that for a subgroup of speakers from Fierozzo and Roveda OV word order is accepted with modal verbs follows from a microparamter: the movement of the non-finite verb form to lowFocus° can only take place with non-finite verbs. Finally, the fact that OV is obligatory for nearly all groups is captured in terms of a nanoparamenter associated with negative constituents.

本研究基于通过原创田野调查采集的传承语言莫切诺语（Mòcheno）的新型语料，该语料涵盖五类句法现象：嵌入从句中的限定动词位置、带情态动词的句子中的限定动词位置、否定一致（negative concord）、带复杂时态的主句中焦点轻/重宾语的位置以及乱序移位（scrambling）。研究发现存在两类说话人群体：一类在德语与意大利语句序间存在说话者内部变异，另一类则无此变异；这两类群体的差异源于地域变体变异（diatopic variation），并在较小程度上受社会层级变异（diastratic variation）影响。本研究采用定量统计分析得到的结果，与莫切诺语传统理论句法研究的结论部分契合，但本研究的分析为一系列此前被忽视或阐释不足的句法现象提供了全新视角。具体而言，本研究首次发现罗韦达（Roveda）方言内部存在由社会层级（年龄）变异引发的微变异，这也是莫切诺语中年龄作为影响变异的相关因素的唯一案例。本研究同时证实了学界此前提出的“Palù方言相较于其他莫切诺方言更具德语特征”的主张，但可对其进行细化修正：研究表明其他方言的使用者也接受德语语序，且这类语序与意大利语句序竞争时的可接受性，并非由使用者年龄所致（无社会层级变异）。最后，本研究发现不同说话人群体对德语句序的接受度随所考察的句法现象而异：带否定成分的句子中德语句序更易被接受，而嵌入从句中的德语句序则更易被排斥。基于对OV/VO语序在不同语境与群体中的分布的精细化描述，以及科尼奥拉（Cognola）2013年b版研究中提出的OV语序生成的现有理论阐释，本研究提出，可参照参数理论（Parameter Theory）近年的发展成果（Roberts, 2012；Biberauer等, 2014等）对观测到的变异进行参数化分析。具体而言，本研究提出，非限定动词形式向低位Force°功能语类的移位（该移位是莫切诺语中OV语序的成因），可通过参数层级进行刻画。当动词移位在所有句法条件下均发生（包括所有非限定动词形式，且助动词未从v°功能语类移位至CP标志语位置）时，会产生宏参数效应，对应Palù方言所体现的句法系统。中参数对应一种句法系统：仅当v°功能语类为空时（即主句陈述句中），才会发生非限定动词形式的移位。来自菲耶罗佐（Fierozzo）与罗韦达的部分使用者在带情态动词的句子中也接受OV语序，这一现象可通过微参数解释：非限定动词形式向低位Focus°功能语类的移位，仅可发生于非限定动词语境中。最后，几乎所有群体均强制使用OV语序的现象，可通过与否定性成分相关联的纳米参数进行刻画。