ON THE SYNTAX OF OUGHT-TO-BE CONSTRUCTIONS WITH AND WITHOUT A SPECIFIC ADDRESSEE

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the (ought-to-be) deontic, which is analyzed from the concepts of obligation discussed in Castañeda (1970), Feldman (1986) and Hacquard (2006, 2010). From co-occurrence tests of an ought-to-be modal with other elements in the CP layer – in particular, with the wh-phrase por que ( why ) and with adverbial elements, it was found that ought-to-be is interpreted between the high projections IntP and ModP. It was also shown that an ought-to-be can be used in an utterance with or without a specific addressee and that this difference reflects in the syntax. The proposal is to extend the analysis by Portner, Pak and Zanuttini (2019), developed for Korean speech style particles, to the ought-to-be deontic, postulating that this deontic, when used with a specific addressee, integrates a structure in which the cP category is projected, which allows features that express the speaker-addressee relation, such as status, to be checked. Consequently, this modal is restricted to the matrix domain. When, however, it appears in an utterance without a specific addressee, it integrates a structure without the projection of cP, since it does not refer to the speaker-addressee relationship. In this case, it can appear in both the matrix and embedded domains.

摘要 本文聚焦于应然道义模态（ought-to-be deontic），其分析基于卡斯塔涅达（Castañeda, 1970）、费尔德曼（Feldman, 1986）与哈卡尔德（Hacquard, 2006, 2010）所讨论的义务概念。通过对该应然道义模态与标句词短语层（CP layer）其他成分——尤其是与疑问短语por que（意为“为什么”）以及状语成分——的共现测试，本文发现应然道义模态的解释位介于高阶屈折短语（IntP）与情态短语（ModP）之间。研究同时证实，应然道义模态可用于带有特定受话者或无特定受话者的话语中，且这一差异会在句法层面有所体现。本文提出将针对韩语语体标记提出的波特纳、帕克与扎努蒂尼（Portner, Pak & Zanuttini, 2019）分析框架拓展至应然道义模态领域，并假设：当应然道义模态与特定受话者共现时，其整合的结构会投射标句词短语（cP），该结构可核查诸如社会地位这类体现发话者-受话者关系的特征，因此该情态成分仅能出现在主句域中。而当该模态出现在无特定受话者的话语中时，其整合的结构不会投射cP，因其无需指向发话者-受话者关系，此时该模态既可出现在主句域，也可出现在嵌入式从句域中。