The prosodization of derived words in Brazilian Portuguese: Joining perspectives

ABSTRACT This paper revisits and extends the debate on the prosodic status of affixed words in Brazilian Portuguese within the Optimality Theory framework, especially based on Selkirk (1996) and Itô & Mester (2008)’s proposals, according to which violable universal constraints are responsible for mapping grammatical and prosodic structures at the expense of a possible disobedience to certain principles of the prosodic hierarchy. Starting from a review of the literature on the topic, we bring together ideas from our previous studies (Bisol, 2000, 2004, 2007; Schwindt, 2001, 2008, 2013) to argue that affixed words in Brazilian Portuguese are subject to three types of prosodization - composition, adjunction and incorporation - prefixes being subject to all three, while suffixes only to incorporation and composition, not to adjunction. In contrast, clitics are characterized as structures labeled as attached to their hosts. The evidence comes especially from the diagnostics of stress assignment, but also from other word domain processes. Based on this description, we problematize some consequences of this typology for the organization of the prosodic hierarchy and its effects on morphological transparency by defending a continuum that goes from composite to incorporated structures.

摘要 本文在优选论（Optimality Theory）框架下，重新审视并拓展了关于巴西葡萄牙语带词缀词韵律地位的学术争论，研究以Selkirk（1996）与Itô、Mester（2008）的理论主张为核心依据。该理论提出，可违反的普遍性制约条件（violable universal constraints）负责实现语法结构与韵律结构的映射，但其运作需以可能违背韵律层级（prosodic hierarchy）的部分原则为代价。本文首先系统梳理该主题的既有文献，整合我们此前的相关研究成果（Bisol，2000、2004、2007；Schwindt，2001、2008、2013），提出巴西葡萄牙语的带词缀词存在三类韵律化（prosodization）模式：组构（composition）、附加（adjunction）与并入（incorporation）；前缀可适配全部三类模式，而后缀仅适用于并入与组构，无法适用于附加模式。与之相对，附着词（clitics）被界定为依附于宿主语素（hosts）的结构。相关实证证据主要来自重音指派（stress assignment）诊断分析，同时辅以其他词域过程的研究佐证。基于上述描述，本文针对该类型学在韵律层级组织层面的若干衍生后果，及其对形态透明度（morphological transparency）的影响展开问题化探讨，并主张存在一条从组构结构到并入结构的连续统（continuum）。