Focus projection and prenuclear accents: evidence from lexical processing

Theories of Focus Projection claim that a single pitch accent on a verb's argument is sufficient to prosodically mark that verb as part of the focus, negating the need for a prenuclear accent on the verb itself. The present study employed online lexical processing to test this claim empirically. In three cross-modal associative priming experiments, listeners heard English SVO sentences with/without prenuclear accenting on the verb in both broad (VP) and narrow (object) focus contexts. Results showed that the absence of a prenuclear accent in broad focus contexts did not disrupt priming, but the presence of one in narrow focus contexts did. This disruption was found to be somewhat modulated by individual differences in “autistic traits”. Overall, the findings are interpreted as supporting a model that includes both (a) a Focus Projection mechanism and (b) an information structural function for prenuclear accents, with the latter possibly subject to cross-listener variation.