Data_Sheet_1_Is There a Processing Preference for Object Relative Clauses in Chinese? Evidence From ERPs.DOCX

A consistent finding across head-initial languages, such as English, is that subject relative clauses (SRCs) are easier to comprehend than object relative clauses (ORCs). However, several studies in Mandarin Chinese, a head-final language, revealed the opposite pattern, which might be modulated by working memory (WM) as suggested by recent results from self-paced reading performance. In the present study, event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded when participants with high and low WM spans (measured by forward digit span and operation span tests) read Chinese ORCs and SRCs. The results revealed an N400-P600 complex elicited by ORCs on the relativizer, whose magnitude was modulated by the WM span. On the other hand, a P600 effect was elicited by SRCs on the head noun, whose magnitude was not affected by the WM span. These findings paint a complex picture of relative clause processing in Chinese such that opposing factors involving structural ambiguities and integration of filler-gap dependencies influence processing dynamics in Chinese relative clauses.以英语为代表的首中心语语言（head-initial languages）中存在一致研究结论：主语关系从句（subject relative clauses, SRCs）的理解难度低于宾语关系从句（object relative clauses, ORCs）。然而，针对尾中心语语言（head-final languages）汉语的多项研究却揭示了相反的模式，近期自定步速阅读任务的结果提示，该现象可能受工作记忆（working memory, WM）的调节。本研究中，我们记录了高、低工作记忆广度被试（通过数字广度正向测试与操作广度测试评估）阅读汉语宾语关系从句与主语关系从句时的事件相关电位（event-related potentials, ERPs）。结果显示，宾语关系从句在关系词位置诱发了N400-P600复合成分，其幅度受工作记忆广度调节；而主语关系从句在中心语名词位置仅诱发了P600效应，其幅度不受工作记忆广度影响。上述研究结果为汉语关系从句的加工机制描绘了复杂图景：结构歧义与填充语-空缺依存关系整合这两类对立因素，共同影响着汉语关系从句的加工动态。