Supplementary Material for: At the Edge of Intonation: The Interplay of Utterance-Final F0 Movements and Voiceless Fricative Sounds

The paper is concerned with the ‘edge of intonation’ in a twofold sense. It focuses on utterance-final F0 movements and crosses the traditional segment-prosody divide by investigating the interplay of F0 and voiceless fricatives in speech production. An experiment was performed for German with four types of voiceless fricatives: /f/, /s/, /ʃ/ and /x/. They were elicited with scripted dialogues in the contexts of terminal falling statement and high rising question intonations. Acoustic analyses show that fricatives concluding the high rising question intonations had higher mean centres of gravity (CoGs), larger CoG ranges and higher noise energy levels than fricatives concluding the terminal falling statement intonations. The different spectral-energy patterns are suitable to induce percepts of a high ‘aperiodic pitch’ at the end of the questions and of a low ‘aperiodic pitch’ at the end of the statements. The results are discussed with regard to the possible existence of ‘segmental intonation’ and its implication for F0 truncation and the segment-prosody dichotomy, in which segments are the alleged troublemakers for the production and perception of intonation.

本文从双重维度探讨「语调边缘」。研究聚焦语句末尾基频（F0）变化，打破传统音段-韵律分界，探讨语音产生过程中基频与清擦音的相互作用。研究以德语为对象开展实验，选取四类清擦音：/f/、/s/、/ʃ/与/x/。实验通过脚本化对话范式，在降调陈述句与高升调疑问句两种语调语境下采集目标语音样本。声学分析结果表明，相较于以降调陈述句收尾的清擦音，以高升调疑问句收尾的清擦音具备更高的平均重心（CoG）、更大的重心波动范围与更高的噪声能量水平。上述差异化频谱能量模式可有效诱发两类感知特征：疑问句结尾处的高「非周期性音高」感知，与陈述句结尾处的低「非周期性音高」感知。本研究围绕「音段语调」的潜在存在性展开讨论，并探讨其对基频截断以及音段-韵律二分法的启示——在该二分法框架中，音段曾被视作语调产生与感知的潜在干扰源。