Unifying Prolepsis And Cross-Clausal Cliticization In Lubukusu

This paper examines proleptic constructions in Lubukusu (Bantu, Western Kenya). I find that Lubukusu has two distinct strategies for prolepsis: one where the extra matrix nominal is base-generated high, and one where the nominal moves from the embedded clause to the matrix position. The latter is subject to island effects, whereas the former is not. I propose an analysis for these two kinds of prolepsis based on these facts, dependant on the particularities of what nominals can be licensed in what syntactic positions in Lubukusu, and explore the cross-linguistic implications of this analysis.

本论文考察了肯尼亚西部班图语系（Bantu）卢布库苏语（Lubukusu）中的预指构式（proleptic constructions）。研究表明，卢布库苏语存在两种截然不同的预指策略：其一为额外的主句名词性成分基础生成于高位句法位置，其二为名词性成分从嵌入式小句移位至主句位置。后者需受孤岛效应（island effects）制约，而前者则不受此类限制。基于上述事实，本文结合卢布库苏语中名词性成分在不同句法位置的允准特性，针对这两类预指结构提出了分析方案，并探讨了该分析所蕴含的跨语言启示。